Justice, Not Government: The Only Law That Lasts
Natural law, as a universal principle of justice, is indifferent to the specific forms of government—be they monarchies, democracies, dictatorships, or representative republics. Its concern lies not in the structure of authority but in the adherence to justice: the preservation of individual sovereignty, respect for human minds, and the freedom to dissent. When justice is upheld, any form of government can serve society; when it is disregarded, all forms degenerate into oppression. Frederic Bastiat, in The Law, reminds us that “life, liberty, and property do not exist because men have made laws. On the contrary, it was the fact that life, liberty, and property existed beforehand that caused men to make laws in the first place.” This underscores that natural law precedes and supersedes all human government. The proper role of governance, regardless of its structure, is merely to secure these pre-existing rights. When governments stray from this role, they abandon their legitimacy and become engines of injustice.
No system of governance is inherently incorruptible. Democracies, for instance, often celebrated for their inclusivity, can fall into mob rule where the majority tramples the rights of minorities. Monarchies, though capable of providing stability, can devolve into tyranny when power becomes centralized and unaccountable. As Henry David Thoreau observed in Civil Disobedience, “Government is at best but an expedient; but most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient.” This means that while government may serve a practical purpose, it is inherently prone to overreach and error. Whether democratic, autocratic, or otherwise, the form of government is secondary to its fidelity to justice. Justice, in turn, is rooted in the recognition of individuals as sovereign beings, endowed with the right to think freely, dissent, and govern themselves.
Frederick Douglass spoke to the power of the individual’s sovereignty when he declared, “The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress.” This truth reveals that no government, no matter how grand its promises, can maintain legitimacy if it disregards the rights of its citizens. To respect individual sovereignty is to allow disagreement and dissent, recognizing that true governance is built upon the consent of the governed. Ayn Rand captured this principle with precision when she wrote, “The smallest minority on earth is the individual. Those who deny individual rights cannot claim to be defenders of minorities.” Thus, the health of a society is not determined by the system of government it adopts but by its treatment of the individual, whose sovereignty is the cornerstone of justice.
Justice cannot be sustained if governments allow their laws to contradict morality. As Bastiat warned, “When law and morality contradict each other, the citizen has the cruel alternative of either losing his moral sense or losing his respect for the law.” Governments, regardless of their form, must be judged by whether they uphold the principles of natural law. A monarchy can be just if it protects life, liberty, and property, and a democracy can be unjust if it allows the majority to violate these same rights. In every instance, it is not the form but the practice of justice that determines legitimacy. Thoreau, in his wisdom, concluded that “That government is best which governs least,” a sentiment that reflects the essence of natural law: to preserve individual sovereignty by minimizing interference and maximizing justice.
Today in America and throughout the West, all the fevered cries to “save democracy” are misguided and hollow, like urging a woman to stay in a marriage where her husband beats her or insisting that a family remain intact while the father abuses the children. When justice is perverted, preserving the structure that perpetuates injustice is not noble—it is complicity in the crime. America’s representative republic, or democracy, or whatever sanitized term one prefers, has long been an empire of injustice, trampling the weak at home and abroad in the name of profit, power, and convenience. It is a system where the wealthy exploit the poor through legalized theft, where lobbyists write the laws, and where the illusion of choice at the ballot box is a veil for systemic corruption. Such a structure does not deserve to be saved—it deserves to be persecuted by justice itself. Whether that comes in the form of an invading army, a domestic insurrection, or the slow decay of its own lies, it is a reckoning that is both inevitable and righteous. An empire built on injustice will not stand; it will fall, as all such empires have before it, and no amount of sentimental appeals to “democracy” will prevent it.
Natural law requires no allegiance to any particular form of government. Its sole demand is the upholding of justice: the unwavering respect for individuals as self-governing beings, free to think, dissent, and make their own choices. Any government that violates these principles—be it through mob rule, tyranny, or systemic injustice—undermines its own foundation. It is justice, not structure, that sustains a government’s legitimacy, and it is the recognition of each person’s sovereignty that ensures its endurance.
To establish a system rooted in natural law, where the freedom of the will and man’s moral duty to think are paramount, individuals and groups must act to undermine systems of injustice that suppress these principles. Natural law demands the freedom to think and act, and any system that denies this is inherently illegitimate. Those who operate outside this principle—who live by coercion, deception, and force—live "by the sword" and must accept its retribution: "dying by the sword." Moral men owe no morality to immoral men, for to do so would only perpetuate injustice.
A practical path to undermining an unjust system begins with rejecting its tools of control and manipulation, such as fraudulent debt, coercive obedience, and illegitimate claims of ownership. Debt default is a powerful strategy for confronting systemic injustice, particularly in cases of usury. Usury contracts—built on creating obligations from nothing—are fraudulent by nature. When individuals default on such debt, they deny the system its lifeblood: compliance with its deception. By refusing to honor contracts based on fraudulent principles, individuals strike at the heart of a financial system designed to enslave rather than liberate.
Civil disobedience is another cornerstone of undermining unjust systems. This can take the form of depriving the system of obedience in key areas, such as refusing to register vehicles, ignoring industry regulations, and declining to pay fines or fees imposed by the state. Each act of disobedience sends a message that unjust authority holds no sway over a free individual. Furthermore, nullification within the judicial system—refusing to consent to rulings or participate in the enforcement of unjust laws—undermines the legitimacy of courts that serve as enforcers of oppression rather than arbiters of justice.
A more direct form of resistance is the sabotage of government property, which is rooted in the understanding that "government property" is a contradiction in terms. Property must, by definition, be owned individually, as collective ownership negates the principle of accountability and stewardship inherent in property rights. Since government claims of ownership are illegitimate, no moral injury occurs when such property is destroyed or repurposed to serve the cause of justice. Sabotaging these symbols and tools of oppression weakens the infrastructure of an unjust system while affirming that only private, voluntary ownership aligns with natural law.
These actions must aim toward a singular goal: the restoration of the freedom of the will, which is inseparable from man’s moral duty to think. A system that respects this principle allows individuals to govern themselves, free from coercion, and fosters a society where justice is rooted in voluntary cooperation rather than force. Every act of disobedience, nullification, or resistance is not merely a rejection of oppression but an affirmation of man's inherent sovereignty and moral duty.
Ultimately, those who violate the principle of freedom—the freedom to think, to act, and to dissent—do so by choosing to live by coercion and force. In doing so, they step outside the bounds of natural law and align themselves with a principle of violence and domination, one that guarantees their own destruction. Natural law requires no allegiance to such systems, and moral men owe no deference to the immoral. By withdrawing consent, refusing obedience, and dismantling the mechanisms of oppression, individuals can pave the way for a society rooted in justice, freedom, and the sovereignty of the human will.
Objection: Pure justice is impractical.
A system of pure justice is an idealistic fantasy that doesn’t take into account the realities of human survival. Justice is important, but if you make it the sole foundation of society, you’ll create chaos. People will endlessly fight over what justice means, and those who don’t have the resources to access this 'justice' will be left out or even harmed by it. What happens to the poor who can’t afford to defend themselves? What happens to people who make mistakes or break minor rules? Are they to be condemned forever? In the end, a society obsessed with absolute justice is impractical because it ignores the basic needs of survival, cooperation, and compromise. Humans are flawed, and trying to impose pure justice will only tear society apart and hurt the very people it claims to protect.”
The objection that a system of pure justice is impractical because it would lead to endless infighting and harm those who cannot afford it is, at its heart, the voice of a killer seeking refuge from the very justice they fear. This argument does not elevate human need for survival above human need for justice—it disguises criminal intent under the pretense of practicality. The essence of this objection is the cry of the unjust, who know they cannot survive in a world where justice reigns, because they seek to live unjustly and by plundering the productive and injuring the innocent. It is the lament of those who would rather plunder and destroy than produce and coexist peacefully.
Yes, we should expect such objections from criminals and those who align with their mindset, for their survival depends on the perversion of justice. This objection does not arise from a concern for the vulnerable or the poor; it is a smokescreen designed to shield the wicked from accountability. Criminal behavior is not defined by laws—it predates them. Tyrants and mystics may argue that laws invent morality, but in truth, laws were created to protect men and women from the actions of those who refuse to respect the sovereignty of others, those who choose to steal, oppress, or kill rather than build, create, or live in harmony.
The claim that a system of justice threatens survival is false—it threatens only the survival of the unjust. For the just, justice is a safeguard, a framework that enables life, liberty, and prosperity to flourish. It is only the wicked who find themselves at odds with such a system because their actions are incompatible with the principles of respect, consent, and non-aggression. The true conflict lies not between justice and human survival, but between justice and the lives of those who profit from injustice.
Moral men and women must not be troubled by this conflict; they must embrace it. The punishment of the wicked is not an unfortunate byproduct of justice—it is its triumph. For the sake of the righteous, for the protection of the productive, for the dignity of those who live morally, the wicked must face the consequences of their actions. To recoil from this conflict is to abandon the just, to allow the innocent to suffer at the hands of those who would exploit a perversion of justice for their gain.
Justice is not a threat to life; it is the foundation of a life worth living. A society that rejects justice for the sake of survival does not achieve peace; it ensures the domination of the wicked over the just. Therefore, moral men must revel in the punishment of the wicked, not out of cruelty, but out of love for the righteous. Justice is not impractical—it is indispensable, and its conflict with the wicked is the price of preserving the good.
A Final Word to Those Who Object to Natural Law
It may appear, from the way this essay has been written, that I am trying to persuade men to adopt a certain way of life. That would be a grave misunderstanding. I am not asking for a vote on the reality of man’s mind or his moral duty to act according to his own judgment any more than I would ask for agreement on the laws of gravity or the germ theory of disease. These are truths—immutable and self-evident. What I have written here is for those who refuse to let others dictate their thoughts, their actions, or their lives. It is a call to moral men and women who see through the pretense of injustice and wish to live freely, on their own terms.
If there is disagreement over what constitutes justice, let it come forth. Such disagreements do not weaken the principles of natural law—they test them. Moral men will see clearly when brutes and tyrants live by the sword, and moral men will have no qualms about depriving such brutes of their lives. Justice does not flinch before objections from the unthinking or the immoral. It does not seek their approval. Power comes from the minds of men, not their muscle. And those who seek to rule through injustice depend on convincing moral men to turn their own minds against themselves, to use their reason and creativity in service to the immoral. This essay is not an attempt to reform the unjust or to appeal to their better natures—they have none. It is a message to moral men: stop sacrificing your convictions and your mind for the sake of your lessers.
Like the heroes in Atlas Shrugged, this is a call to go on strike. Refuse to lend your labor, your intellect, or your integrity to those who would exploit you. Withdraw your consent from systems of injustice, and let the parasites perish in the void of their own making. Their survival depends on your support, and without it, they will collapse under the weight of their own emptiness. Once the brutes are gone, moral men and women will return to rebuild a society grounded in justice, reason, and voluntary cooperation—a society where the sovereign individual is respected and upheld.
This is not a plea to persuade the immoral or the cowardly to do what is right. Their objections are irrelevant. The question isn’t, “Who is going to let us?” The question is, “Who is going to stop us?” And the answer is “No one…if we are just. It is impossible for a zero to hold a mortgage over a living being. Reality…if we are unjust. It is impossible to lie and evade reality and live. The wages of such sin are surely death.”
ANALYSIS
This comprehensive collection of ideas examines the essence, implications, and objections to a society founded on natural law and pure justice. Here is an analysis of its key themes and arguments:
Natural Law and Justice
The essay begins by establishing natural law as a universal principle that transcends governmental structures. Frederic Bastiat’s observation that “life, liberty, and property existed beforehand” sets the stage for the argument that laws are mere tools to formalize pre-existing rights. The primary role of government, regardless of its form, is to uphold these rights. This argument reinforces the idea that justice is independent of political frameworks and is the cornerstone of legitimacy for any authority.
The Corruption of Governance
The text emphasizes the inherent vulnerabilities of all forms of government. Democracies may devolve into mob rule, monarchies into tyranny, and republics into corruption. Henry David Thoreau’s insight that government is “at best but an expedient” underscores the imperfections of human systems, suggesting that only adherence to justice can prevent their decay. The analysis ties this critique to the central argument: justice, not structure, determines a government’s legitimacy.
Individual Sovereignty
Quotations from Frederick Douglass and Ayn Rand highlight the primacy of individual sovereignty. Douglass’s assertion that “the limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress” positions resistance to injustice as a natural right. Rand’s focus on the individual as the smallest minority further reinforces that justice must protect personal autonomy. These perspectives challenge collectivist approaches that prioritize group survival over individual rights.
Objections to Pure Justice
The objection to pure justice—that it is impractical and harmful to the vulnerable—is dissected and rejected. This argument is portrayed as a facade for criminal intent, with the unjust fearing accountability under a just system. The analysis asserts that justice does not threaten the survival of the moral and productive but only that of the wicked. The objection’s rhetorical concern for the poor and vulnerable is revealed as a diversion, masking the true motive of avoiding responsibility for unjust actions.
The Conflict Between Justice and the Unjust
The essay makes a critical distinction: justice is not in conflict with human survival but with the survival of those who thrive on injustice. This argument exposes the objection to pure justice as the self-serving rhetoric of oppressors and criminals. By framing the punishment of the wicked as a triumph rather than a byproduct, the text reframes justice as both a moral and practical necessity for societal harmony.
Strategies to Undermine Injustice
The section on practical actions to dismantle unjust systems outlines a framework rooted in natural law. Debt default is positioned as a form of resistance against fraudulent financial practices like usury, while civil disobedience is celebrated as a means of rejecting illegitimate authority. The discussion of property sabotage challenges conventional views of collective ownership, asserting that government property is inherently illegitimate. These strategies aim to restore individual sovereignty and align society with principles of justice.
Rebuttal to the Objection
The rebuttal to the objection that pure justice is impractical asserts that such claims originate from the unjust seeking refuge from accountability. The essay argues that justice is indispensable and essential for protecting the righteous and productive. It rejects the notion that survival must come at the expense of justice, framing the punishment of the wicked as a moral imperative.
Conclusion
The essay concludes by affirming the indispensability of justice as the foundation of a life worth living. It argues that rejecting justice for the sake of survival leads to the domination of the wicked over the just, undermining peace and prosperity. The text challenges moral individuals to embrace the conflict between justice and the unjust, viewing it not as a burden but as a necessary step toward preserving the good.
Overall Analysis
This piece is a robust defense of natural law and pure justice, rejecting pragmatic objections while emphasizing individual sovereignty and moral responsibility. It bridges philosophical principles with actionable strategies, presenting a vision of a society rooted in justice. By addressing both theoretical objections and practical applications, the essay offers a comprehensive framework for understanding and advancing a system of natural law.
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